Regionalism Reloaded : It is time to call it Federalism

I am back from a half month long work sojourn to Coastal Tamil Nadu from Chennai to Kanyakumari with stops at Kumbokonam, Rajapalayam and Madurai. I also had a pit stop at Thiruvananthapuram, which is being swamped by images of Dr Tharoor.  Tamil Nadu was the first state in India to have a regional party administration in 1967 after the failure of the Kamraj Plan to decouple the Congress from the fate of the Nehru-Gandhi Dynasty. They have a history of distinct identity politics even bordering on separatism in the initial years after independence.  The once impactful Congress is a marginal force in Tamil Nadu with a few posters of GK Vasan and P Chidambaram in Kumbokonam were observed (the Late GK Moopanar’s legacy in coastal Tamil Nadu). Everywhere else I could observe Putraichi Selvi Dr. J Jayalalitha’s poster across the state from posters pasted on tea stalls to framed photos in District Collectors Office in Thiruvarur and Thanjavur. DMK still retains a presence in Chennai and Vijaykanth’s DMDK in smaller coastal hamlets in Tirunelveli as far as the initial perception is gauged from.

In this post, I am attempting to reframe the rhetoric on regionalism from one as being a purely identity politics driven vector to one where powerful regional players are driving the discourse on development. The decentralization of political powers to regional satraps has led to evolved, differentiated models of development, Bihar and Tamil Nadu being case in point. Regionalism has a pejorative secessionist ring to it. It is time to re-label it as federal now.

 Nitish has done a remarkable in job in restoring Law & Order and enhancing social infrastructure. International Projects such as plans to launch the Nalanda University is a cornerstone initiative to revive Bihari Pride lost under Lalu’s era of misrurule.

In regional parties, a linguistic or a caste based focus is present which is critical for a bottom up approach. The Grassroots are represented, and orders on internal party or political matters in far away Nagercoil Town in Kanyakumari are not determined from Lutyens Delhi.  Regional forces like AIADMK and DMK or even a MDMK in Rajapalayam, Viruthanagar (Vaiko’s District in Southern Tamil Nadu) have a better understanding of the problems and aspirations of the electorate than the mainstream national players.

Extending this mature Tamil Nadu regionalism metaphor, we have other major regional players in Nitish, Naveen, Mamata, Maya, Pawar, Badals and many other sub regional actors such as Raj Thackeray and Ramadosses. India has had a bitter taste with a freak regional experiment in 1997 with the United Front Experiment. A weak leadership in Deve Gowda and IK Gujral gave India a taste of decision paralysis under a distributed ‘un-leadership’ model.

The politics of regionalism has since matured in the past 16 years. The splintered Janata Parivar has resulted in Lalu, George, Nitish, Mulayam transform in leaders of National repute with a significant mass base.  Regional Parties fight regional parties; a Maya versus Mulayam,  Jagan versus Naidu. The centralised political model of 10, Janpath has resulted in Pawar, Mamata, Jagan to leave the parental fold to lead platforms with regional aspirations. Trinamool Congress is emerging as an eastern regional player to note. The BJP is non-existent in many states in the country.  It is ironic that the BJP in Modi’s Gujarat speaks of evoking a ‘Gujarati Asmita’ or pride. Distinctly regional in character.

  Development is occurring in the states as regional satraps have bargaining power in the centre to bring in funds for Infrastructure Development. Rail Projects in West Bengal were rapid when representatives from the State at the Rail Bhawan occupied it. A J&K based PDP or a National Conference or a one MP Party from Sikkim can have a seat on a federal table of Decision makers which was unthinkable in a single majority administration. This is the power of coalition politics.

The Voice of Neyvelli is now heard in the corridors of power in New Delhi thanks to a more mature federalism . More Power to a Federal Politics.

The Aam Aadmi Party is a Delhi based urban regional outfit. Think about it?

Be an ‘Intra-preneur’

I am not an Entrepreneur, but I like to learn from the tribe of risk-takers who have the ‘audacity of hope’. The zest for life, the killer instincts to close the deal and make things happen are attitudinal traits that every professional should have. Rainmaking and thinking ahead of the curve are pre-requisites for very knowledge worker in todays tumultuous economic climate. Most firms want their employees to bring in ‘work’, create opportunities where there is one.

In Anand Mahindra’s words, Entrepreneurship is a frame of mind. Have a vision and making heaven and earth move to realise it. It is not the scarcity of  capital which restricts people to venture out, it is simply that lack of guts, the tenacity of listening to criticism day in and out, but have the audacity to rough it out. It does not have to be your own business, it can be the division you run, the team you lead or simply proving your detractors in your family and colleagues the real world way:

Prove it. Just Do it.

Have the Entrepreneurial Spirit.  Make things happen. Be Outstanding. Fulfil your Calling.

Beyond ‘Growth-ism’ : unearthing a narrative beyond the bottom line

There is a world beyond the Shenton Way, Bandra-Kurla Complexes and DLF Cyber City’s of the world. There is a peri-urban India and a rural India that might be influenced by its urban cousins due to the dominant, hegemonic discourse crafted by the elite but their world is still rooted in tradition and Asian values.  As ‘Metros have been transformed in to financial products’ in the words the authors of the mightily influential treatise on development sociology in India: ‘Churning the Earth: The Making of Global India’, the role of the City as an overpowering entity is articulated as the village cedes control to the city and farmers lose agency in the process. A farmer with limited resources but most importantly dignity denigrates himself into a commodity in the market when the government or a private developer acquires his land hopefully for a fair compensation package.  The new land acquisition bill makes robust Relief & Rehabilitation provisions for the Project Affected Families. The farmer does not have any other skill set apart from farming and money management is not one of them. It might be a barely literate famer moving from his second hand motor-bike to an Audi the next day, it will not be far way that, he will be a security guard at a shopping mall built on his land holding that he sold off (remember the Bollywood Film Shanghai?).  This might be Jairam’s single largest contribution to the policy landscape of the country.  Might delay projects and escalate costs, but the farmer is at the heart of the story and not the developer. The vulnerable and the marginalised should be the ones protected by the legislative architecture of the State and not act as an agent of the Capitalist classes. The line is often blurred beyond recognition with Industrialists populating both houses of parliament and siting on JPC’s with severe conflicts of interest. Great in one way as they have the ability of project execution but in another fashion take away the essence of grassroots commoner.

The semantics of the rhetoric of Mint Street unfortunately influences corporatized media boardrooms and sometimes North Block.  Umair Haque, who writes a popular column in the HBS Blogs website recently wrote a hard hitting post on the ills of American Capitalism in what he captures as ‘Capitalist-Stan’. American Capitalism was known for its ability as a power social escalator for the mobility it used to provide for all irrespective of ones birth. Opportunity equality was the byword. In the present times, the cliques of the ‘Lords of Finance’ on Wall Street rule the finance arena, influencing public policy that a former Goldman Sachs CEO becomes the treasury secretary under Bush ’43.  No wonder they are the highest campaign contributors to Presidential/Senate contests in the USA. Obama is no exception too.  The decrease in social mobility in hyper charged globalised capitalism is not surprising as ‘only the folks with the correct connections and skill sets’ are able to crack the ivory towers oops the glass tinted buildings of Central Business Districts of Global Econohubs.  It’s the same situation in India, as only 20% of engineering graduates being potentially employable. Many of the younger engineers I know cannot compose a proper mail in business English. English is the Lingua Franca is the Modern World of commerce. This is a pre-requisite as problem solving is in engineering. If you cannot communicate, then you do not know your stuff, if you cannot express.

‘Market-ism’ being the central ideological construct of the bankers and the capitalist classes has led to ‘Growth-ism’. This Growth-ism has led to the culture of the bottom-line and ‘Quarter se Quarter Tak’ (from one quarterly results reporting to the other) ethos.

Take the long term view, because concrete value cannot be created overnight. Mohenjadaro as Rome was not built in a day. Capitalism includes economic growth, and market is a vehicle for channelize the ‘animal spirits’ to create wealth.  But capitalism is also about meritocracy and wealth creation. More importantly its about pursuing ones calling in the sentiments of Weber.

 Growth-ism stands for parochial wealth creation unfortunately now days. When wealth is created, it is distributed for welfare of the poor, so that they can a more playing field can be created. This element is sadly missing from the conversation. I was on an Al Jazeera International’s show – ‘The Stream’ on the 9th of October 2013, speaking on an esteemed panel on the Food Security Bill. I spoke in favour of the bill that a welfare legislation is a public policy innovation and is a start, might be flawed but is a start.  A policy pundit, a very knowledgeable Think Tank honcho and friend shouted me down espousing his beliefs in ‘Market-ism’.  Market is a great slave but a terrible master; my friends from Dalal Street should understand.